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Jonathan D. Spence presents his meticulous account as a "story about
words"created by an emperor trying to clear his name and a local teacher
trying to live up to the teachings of the sages.
乔纳森D斯彭斯提出他的细致的解释为一个“故事有关的话”由一个皇帝试图明确自己的名字和当地的老师,试图辜负了圣人的教导。
Between the lines of the thousands of "words"that were constructed to
ameliorate this political dance between a struggling local examination
failure and an emperor concerned about his public image, Spence
ingeniously works in the vast investigative procedures that the Qing
bureaucracy brought to bear on this single incident.
对“词”,构建以改善举步维艰的考试失败和关心他的公众形象皇帝之间的政治舞蹈的成千上万的字里行间,斯彭斯巧妙的作品在广阔的侦查程序,清朝政府将承担这一事件。
From Hunan and Shanxi to Zhejiang procince,thousands of local scholars, teachers, and officials became embroiled in the emperor's unrelenting quest for the living and textual sources surrounding rumors about him.The power of an autocratic ruler to mobilize all his political resources to root out the fundamental traces and causes of the incident are for Spence both alarming and instructive.
从湖南和山西浙江省,成千上万的当地学者、教师、官员卷入皇帝的不懈追求,生活和文本来源周围关于他的传言。专制统治者的权力调动他所有的政治资源,根出基本的痕迹和事件的原因是斯宾塞是惊人的和有益的。
Spence graciously acknowledges earlier work on the Zeng Jing case,particularly Fang Chao-ying's 1943 biography in Eminent Chinese of the Ching period(1644-1912),edited by Arthur W.Hummel, and Thomas Fisher's 1974 dissertation on the role of Lv Liuliang's classical visions.
斯彭斯大方地承认对曾静案的前期工作,特别是方超英1943传在清朝时期杰出的中国(1644-1912年),由亚瑟·W·胡梅尔编辑,和托马斯-费舍尔1974论吕留良古典视觉的作用。
In addition, Spence and his research aides have combed through a vast amount of new documentary sources in the Palace Museum in Taiwan and from the Beijing imperial Palace Museum to ascertain the exact chronology for the emperor's actions during the incident.
Their travail"as failures within elite literary and official circles"provided breeding grounds for the political rumors,classical visions, and social discontent that the Zeng Jing incident represented. Although they both tried, neither the Yongzheng nor the Qianlong emperor could solve the problems of corruption,degree purchasing,or declining moral standards that overtook the local examination marketplace in the eighteenth century.
纤夫们“失败在精英文学,官场”提供了滋生的政治谣言,古典的异象,和社会的不满,曾靖事件代表。虽然他们都尝试,无论是雍正和乾隆皇帝可以解决腐败问题,程度采购,或道德水准下降,超过当地考试市场在十八世纪。
此外,斯彭斯和他的研究助理们已经通过大量的新的文献来源,在台湾故宫和北京故宫博物馆,以确定确切的年代,皇帝的行动在事件发生的时间。
These new sources contain the complete,original memorials,reports,and edicts that were later"cut and pasted "into the summary documents used in the past to reconstruct the events.Spence thus refines the chilling details that make this "story of words "read like a mystery story.
这些新的来源,包含完整的,原来的纪念馆,介绍,和法令,后来被“剪切和粘贴”到过去重建事件的概要文件。斯彭斯由此提炼出令人毛骨悚然的细节,使这个“故事”的话读起来像一个神秘的故事。
Along the way,Spence provides us with aunique window on the lesser intellectual lights of late imperial China, local teacheers and civil examination candidates who rarely advanced beyond the lowest level country tests.Growing from half a million licentiates circa 1650,such local men increased to about one million licentiates and some two million hapless candidates by 1800.
一路上,斯宾塞博士为我们提供了独一无二的窗口小知识灯中华帝国晚期,当地教师和公务员考试的考生很少先进超出最低水平国家试验。从50万生员大约1650生长,这样的当地人增加到大约一百万生员和大约200万个倒霉的候选人的1800。
We specialists should thank Spence for bringing this unsettling incident to a more popular,English-speaking audience.Historians will learn more than they knew before about the incident, such as the merciless and ultimately counter-productive self-promotions that saturated the Yongzheng emperor's bizarre efforts to purify his name .
方面的专家,我们应该感谢斯宾塞把这个令人不安的事件更受欢迎的讲英语的观众。历史学家将学习超过他们之前就知道的事件,如无情,最终适得其反的自我宣传,饱和雍正皇帝的离奇努力净化他的名字。
Fang Chao-ying read the emperor's response as a sigh of his "guilty conscience."Pamela Kyle Crossly contrasts the Yongzheng emperor's ideal of cultural transformation fot both Manchus and Han Chinese with the Qianlong emperor's appeal to a vision of emperorship unique to the Manchus.For Qianlong ,Zeng Jing was not an opportunity for turning the emperor into a classical sage-king but an affront to Manchu imperial dignity.
房兆楹读皇帝的反应为一声叹息他的“有罪的良心。”柯娇燕交叉对比雍正皇帝的理想文化转型FOT是满族和汉族与乾隆皇帝的满族人特有的皇国史观视野提出申诉。乾隆、曾静不是一个机会把皇帝成为一个经典的圣王但满族帝王的尊严的侮辱。
Through this single incident, Spence has vividly presented how a Manchu emperor directed his full bureaucratic ensemble to a single purpose,in vain.
通过这单一事件,斯彭斯生动地展示了一位满族皇帝如何将他完全的官僚式整体化为单一的目的,是徒劳的。
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第1个回答  2016-04-08
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